Friday, 22 May 2015

Dubai: A Metropolis of the 21st Century
Described as "the unofficial Middle East capital of the new Silk Road" (Elsheshtawy, 2010), and the "new global icon of “imagineered urbanism", Dubai is one of the cities with greater growth since last half of the 20th century.
The rapid growth of this city is due mainly to the visionary entrepreneur, Mohammed al- Maktoum (member of the Maktoum dynasty, which governs Dubai) and his entrepreneurial skills inherited by his father. (Davis, 2007)
Although Abu-Dabi contains most of the oil wealth from all the United Arab Emirates, Dubai is a better city to serve as a port and trading zone, so it became an important point of market exchange and investment. (Davis, 2007) In addition, after the bombing of the WTC in New York City, the fear of investing in the United States and in "petrodollars" led to oil investments to stay within the Emirates. (Davis, 2007)
All this led to a rapid growth and massive capital investment, which led to the rapid development of many architectural, urbanistic, and technological advances, and created a city full of Luxury, monuments, gigantism, and above all, spectacle.
But behind all of this imagery, is Dubai the perfect model of a metropolis that solves the urban problems of the 21st century?



Image 1. One street in Dubai in 1990 (left), and in 2007 (right)
Davis states that Dubai is the "..."perfected" synthesis of shopping, entertainment, and architectural spectacle on the most pharaonical scale "(Davis, 2007)."
Dubai has the highest tower in the world, the largest mall, the biggest airport, the largest artificial islands, the largest aquarium, and a dozen towers that exceed 300 meters in height. (Davis, 2006) All these have a trend towards gigantism and thus represent an image of luxury and grandeur. Davis expresses that architectural gigantism is not an economically sustainable strategy of development, and in Dubai, almost everything tends to massive height structures. (Davis, 2007) The architect George Katodrytis argues: "Dubai is a prototype of the post-global new city, which creates appetites rather than solves problems..."(Davis, 2007).
In a similar way to the times of the Nazi regime, in Dubai, its architectonic form is really the one that defines the city, and not its functionality, being both, as Davis says: “architectural megalomania.”(Davis, 2007) In the case of Germany, the neoclassical and colossal forms had the purpose of expressing the power of the Third Reich and intimidate visitors, (Diefendorf, 1993), while in Dubai; the forms are intended to express luxury and entertainment, to attract tourism and capital investment.
To understand one of the social and urban problems facing Dubai, it is necessary to realize that this city is managed by feudal absolutism. This means that the land belongs to the al- Maktoum dynasty. Saeed al-Muntafiq, head of the Dubai Development and Investment Authority says: "People refer to our Crown prince as the chief executive officer of Dubai. It's because, genuinely, he (at Al - Maktoum) runs the government as a private business for the sake of the private sector, not for the state." (Davis, 2007) This practically leads to a complete lack of regulations by the state and thus a social equality unbalance, since the only interest is capital investment and the people who can afford to consume. In other words, the city is developed for wealthy individuals and for those who contribute economically in the private sector, but lower social classes and workers do not live in the same conditions.



Image 2. The Satwa district
Davis states that Dubai's police "may turn a blind eye to illicit diamond and gold imports [...] but they are diligent in deporting Pakistani workers who complain about being cheated out of their wages... "(Davis, 2007)."
This shows how the "government" allows all acts that provide profit to the city and applies force to those that don’t.
Working conditions are also a problem in Dubai. Only in 2004, 880 workers died in construction sites because companies refused to give them safe working conditions, as they lacked as well in sanitation and supplies of the necessary quantities of potable water. (Davis, 2007).
A Dubai worker said: "I wish the rich people would realize who is building these towers. I wish they could come and see how sad this life is." (Davis, 2007)
This large life difference between social classes is very similar to that of the era of Industrial America in the 1800’s, where entrepreneurs and businessmen benefited enormously from industrial development, while workers suffered appalling working conditions due to lack of State regulations.
An example of this period is the Homestead Strike, 1889, in Pennsylvania, where one of the steel mills of entrepreneur Andrew Carnegie, went into strike due to low wages, poor working conditions, and long working hours.
Henry Frick, junior partner of Carnegie, sent the Pennsylvania military to fight the workers, which caused several deaths and injuries.
George Debold, grandson of one of the workers of the strike, says: "Carnegie knew what the conditions where like in the mills, he had visited the mills, he had been in Homestead, and so did Frick, and they knew what was going on and let it continue, because it simply benefitted its profits." (Davis, 1997).
A controversial element in Dubai in terms of urbanism and environment are the Palm Islands. These artificial islands, a project by Nakheel, are destined to inhabit 380,000 people in total (300,000 in Palm Jebel Ali), and 80,000 in Palm Jumeirah, (Elsheshtawy, 2010) being nearly Canberra’s population. One billion cubic feet of sand had to be moved in order for this project to be possible. (Davis, 2007) Tina Butler, marine biologist, established that one of the concerns that she had of this project was the negative impact that it would have on local marine life, and its threat to marine species. (Elsheshtawy, 2010) One of Nakheel replies was: “...it was found that little coral and few fish exist in the Gulf in the first place” and “that their projects’ impact is minor compared with most residential developments." (Elsheshtawy, 2010)



Image 3. The Palm Jumeirah
There were also concerns about the low number of basic amenities in the residential areas of Las Villas in the Palm Islands. To this, one of the Villa residents responded: "the reality for people living in the villas is that you have someone to do the grocery shopping for you, that is part of the lifestyle". Therefore, it can be said that the biggest artificial islands in the world doesn’t solve correctly one of the biggest urbanism issues; lack of accessibility in a community.
Although Dubai is for many countries and cities of Middle East a model to follow, in terms of urbanism it does not solve problems that have existed before.
Its focus on investment capital has raised different options in technology, construction and architecture, including the possibility of an indoor ski mountain where the outside temperature is 105 Fahrenheit, (Davis, 2007) but has also caused a very marked separation of societies of different economic levels. The trend toward luxury, gigantism, and monumentality, are directed toward a very limited social group, not to mention its negative environmental impact.
While al-Maktoum's trends are towards futurism, Davis sees Dubai as an event of the past: "(Albert) Speer meets Disney in the shores of Araby". (Davis, 2007).


Notes
Davis, R. (Productor). (1997). Andrew Carnegie: Prince of Steel [Film]. New York, US.
Davis, M. (2007). Sand, Fear, and Money in Dubai. In M. Davis, & D. Monk, Evil Paradises: Dreamwork of Neoliberalism, New York, US. Pp. 46-68.
Elsheshtawy, Y. (2010). Dubai: Behind the Urban Spectacle. Oxforshire, England: Routledge. Pp. 143, 147(2), 274
Images
The World’s Major Cities Then Vs Now. (s.f.). Recuperado el 2 de May de 2015, de Economy Car Hire: https://www.economycarhire.com/blog/2013/09/19/travel-time-worlds-major-cities-vs-now/
Dubai, It's Incredible. (s.f.). Recuperado el 2 de May de 2015, de Condo Hotels Dubai: http://www.condohotelsdubai.com/images/dubai-palm-island4.jpg
Elsheshtawy, Y. (2010). Dubai: Behind the Urban Spectacle. Oxforshire, England: Routledge. Pg. 38


Friday, 15 May 2015

Week 10 Topic 10A
Gentrification and heritage
Meghan Choo
644640

In 1964, Ruth Glass defined gentrification as a phenomenon or process originating from London, in which middle-class families moved into working-class suburbs for residential or commercial purposes (Moreh, 2011, p. 4). This led to the rise in property values, resulting in the displacement of working-class residents and communities  who can no longer afford to live there (Sheppard, n.d., p. 3). This essay will explore the different dimensions of gentrification through the examples of Silicon Valley, Fitzroy and Mexico City, while positing that gentrification morphed into a more complex concept to define, due to its dependence each unique contextual setting (Betancur, 2014, p. 9).

In Silicon Valley, San Francisco, construction of skyscrapers began since the 1960s (Kloc, 2014). The building of iconic monuments such as the Transamerica Pyramid in 1968 (Transamerica Corporation, 2014), put Silicon Valley on the map, consequently increasing property prices. In fact, by the 1970s, property values especially in areas where skyscrapers were predominantly located, spiked (Kloc, 2014).


Today, the technological boom has led to the influx of tech companies in the Valley, bringing along high-income workers, leading to an amplified version of the 1970s’ property valuation spikes. In a year, Silicon Valley saw eviction rates increase by 115% (Zuccaro, 2015). The unique circumstance faced by Silicon Valley is its small area (Kloc, 2014; Zuccaro, 2015). Therefore As new tech companies move in, followed by their well-paid workers, its effects would be felt more greatly than in a bigger area. Therefore, the limited area of Silicon Valley and the dominance of technology in this area forces residents to either adapt to this new landscape of jobs, or remain unable to cope with the expensive interests of these higher paid workers and thus move out. The displaced will be forced to relocate to more affordable (and often less desirable) environments such as Downtown Palo Alto, with badly tainted reputations (Cutler, 2015). Today, with the construction of iconic buildings such as Facebook’s Headquarters built by Frank Gehry in Palo Alto (Johnson, 2014), the outlook for Palo Alto’s future property prices seem to mirror that of the Valley in the 60s (Cutler, 2015). The fame of the building, while useful for reversing Palo Alto’s negative image, would have negative consequences on the affordability of property there in the next decade, similar to the trend in 1960s.



Thus, Silicon Valley is an example of how economic trends and development has played, and continues to play, a large part in gentrification of an area. However, while gentrification might give an area better economic status (Palo Alto), it might be doing so at the expense of its longtime residents.

Fitzroy is another example of the important role of economy in gentrification, but also demonstrates how gentrification trends mirror social and cultural trends (Nichols et al., 2014, p. 161; University of Melbourne, 2008). Fitzroy is similar to Silicon Valley in that gentrification in the 1960s was influenced by enconomic drivers (The University of Melbourne, 2008). However, the similarity between Fitzroy and Silicon Valley ends there, as Fitzroy today sees a more cultural rather than economic theme of activities (Nichols et al., 2014, p. 166). Originally a wealthy suburb, Fitzroy began to decline in the 20th century due to the Great Depression, and it has only been recently, after the culture brought about by Italian immigrants (The University of Melbourne, 2008), that its popularity as a lifestyle suburb for intellectuals and the like (Nichols et al., 2014, p. 162), began to rise back up, resulting in the given increasing property values that come with it. Fitzroy demonstrates that culture and trend can inherently be linked to create new interests and activities. It also represents the notion that gentrification follows a cyclical trend of urbanised areas, intrinsic to the interests of middle class gentrifiers, and that gentrifiers are simply enabling agents that materialise their perceived potential of an area (Betancur, 2014, p. 4).


Heritage tourism launches an area into a process of transformation, increasing rental for homeowners and businesses in the area. A good example of this is the case of the renovation project of Mexico City’s Historic Centre (Betancur, 2014, p. 6), which threatened the jobs of existing vendors to be replaced by more historically constructed developments. Heritage tourism can be viewed as a paradox. In marketing a Mexico City’s preservation of historical monuments, it causes job gentrification when street vendors are forced out (Betancur, 2014, p. 7). By displacing previous job owners, heritage tourism in turn desecrates the character of the area (Nichols et al., 2014, p. 160). Protests against gentrification on the basis of heritage, however, brings forward another discourse. That of whose heritage deserves greater stakes to a place (Nichols et al., 2014, p. 163). Anti-gentrification on the basis of heritage preservation gives the existing habitants of gentrified neighbourhoods a sense of entitlement to the space (Nichols et al., 2014, p. 164; Sheppard, n.d., p. 2), when they might not have earned it.  This links back to the example in Mexico City, when original vendors protested rennovations on the basis that their history was more authentic (Betancur, 2014, p. 6). Hence by analysing gentrification through the perspective of heritage ‘preservation,’ the deeper complexities of gentrification are revealed: what criteria justifies inhabitants’/users’ claims to a place, if conflicting interests in use of a space ensue? Another issue that this example highlights is the agenda behind heritage preservation. Is there an intellectual criteria that determines what should be preserved and what should be removed from a gentrified area? Finally, this example demonstrates that gentrification is not necessarily limited to housing, but can be related to the usurpation of lower-income businesses as well.


This essay has suggested that gentrification is becoming increasingly prevalent, and as a result of being linked to different issues such as heritage, is becoming more complicated due to its increasing layers of discourse. It is also important to consider the unpredictable nature of gentrification as a cycle, and that in the future, gentrifiers might become the displaced population, as shown by the cyclic trends in Fitzroy. It should be acknowledged that this essay is severely limited in scope, as three cities are not useful tools in defining gentrification. These example cities/neighbourhoods are, however, each different in characteristics, and therefore well demonstrate the idea that gentrification is not limited to just a single set of circumstances but unique to each context, which explains its complexity. The varying resultant landscapes in the examples in this essay have also shown that gentrification can lead to diverse effects, despite the seemingly common outcome of displacement.







References
Betancur, JJ, 2014, ‘Gentrification in Latin America: overview and critical analysis,’Urban Studies Research, vol. 2014, pp. 1-15.

Business Week 2006, ‘The Transamerica Pyramid: hallmark of innovation, strength and commitment,’ Business Week, vol. 2006, pp. 1-3.

Cutler, KM 2015, East of Palo Alto’s Eden: race and the formation of Silicon Valley, viewed 10 May 2015,

Johnson, R 2014, Exclusive photos of Facebook's sprawling new hq, designed Frank Gehry

Kloc, J 2014, Tech boom forces a ruthless gentrification in San Francisco, viewed 10 May 2015,

Lowering the Tone 2013, State Government ban on pollies meeting at housing estates lifted, viewed 10 May 2015,

Luong, QT 2004, Aerial view of Downtown Palo Alto, viewed 10 May 2015,

Moreh, C 2011, ‘Gentrification and urban heritage: the case of Albayzín,’ Central European University, pp. 1- 81 (thesis).

Museum Victoria 2009, High rise housing in Melbourne: Atherton Gardens Estate, Fitzroy, viewed 10 May 2015,

Sheppard, S n.d., ‘Why is gentrification a problem?’ Centre for Creative Development, Williams College, Massachusetts.

Transamerica Corporation 2014, The Pyramid, viewed 10 May 2015, <https://www.transamerica.com/individual/about-us/who-we-are/the-pyramid/>.

Transamerica Corporation 2015, Transamerica Pyramid Centre, viewed 10 May 2015,

UNESCO World Heritage site 2015, Historic centre of Mexico City and Xochimilco, viewed 10 May 2015,

The University of Melbourne 2008, Fitzroy, viewed 10 May 2015,

Zuccaro, A 2015, How San Francisco gentrification is affecting milennials, viewed 10 May 2015,

Friday, 8 May 2015

Urban History Assignment 2: Class Paper
Slum Clearance
By Patricia Ocampo (699132)
Slums have existed and continue to exist due to varying circumstances within cities and their hinterlands. Why and how slums are formed are just as important as how and why they’re eradicated. This paper will explore slum formation and eradication within different scales and contexts, these being the favelas of Rio, the jhuggis of Delhi and the suburban slums of Melbourne during the 1930s.
So what are slums? Slums are formally defined based on physical and legal characteristics of settlements rather than their perceived nature (e.g. crime ridden, rundown). They can be characterised as settlements with an amalgamation of dilapidated housing, overcrowding, inadequate access to infrastructure and insecure residential status (UN-HABITAT, 2003, p. 7-8; Davis, 2006, p. 21).
It was only several decades ago that Melbourne, which is deemed the most liveable city in the world (EIU, 2014, p. 1) abolished its slums. This was made possible by certain key figures. The Great Depression prompted masses of people to move to Melbourne in search for work (Department of Human Services (DHS), 2013). Many resided on the fringe of the CBD in suburbs such as Collingwood, Fitzroy and North Melbourne, where low-paid employment was concentrated (Vince, 1999, p. 14, Culture Victoria, 2014). However Melbourne’s infrastructure was unable to cope and slums began to flourish (Department of Human Services, 2013). The stark reality of these slums were brought to the public’s attention by Fredrick Oswald Barnett, an accountant and active Methodist who campaigned for housing reforms and ultimately drove the slum-abolition movement of the 1930s (Russell, 1979; Downes, n.d). More importantly, Barnett brought the slums to the attention of then Premier of Victoria, Albert Dunstan who then appointed a committee (which included Barnett) in 1936 to investigate slums across Melbourne (DHS, 2013; Russell, 1979; Downes, n.d.). The Housing Commission of Victoria was then set up two years later (in 1938) with Barnett appointed as vice-chairman (Russell, 1979; Downes, n.d). These were the people and events which have shaped Victoria’s public housing, from the rise and the eradication of slums to the development of affordable housing units. Present day Australia is deemed slum-free (Ritter, 2010) but that is not to say that there are no signs of deprivation or social exclusion within the country today, it is that these problems within the Australian context are of a different scale compared to that of other countries, where slums can surprisingly become springboards out of poverty.


Figure 1. Portrait photograph of Frederick Oswald Barnett (DHS, 2013)


Figure 2. Carlton. Wash-house and bath-room, 48 Palmerston Street. (Barnett, 1935)

The slums of Rio, otherwise known as favelas have similar origin stories to North America’s Great Migration, whereby rural populations escaping oppression from slavery or racial laws sought new lives in urban centres (Glaeser, 2011). Today rural-urban migration continues and is increasingly contributing to rapid urbanisation, which helps remove people out of poverty (World Bank, 2013; Glaeser, 2011). In the last 20 years 620 million people have exited poverty (Dobbs, Manyka and Woetzel, 2015) and this may not have been possible without urbanisation. Although not all cases of rural-urban migration result in the formation of informal settlements, the cases where they do emerge can portray slums as both symbols of opportunity and failure of governments to provide for their rural citizens and urban poor. The move from rural to urban can be seen as a rational economic choice based on current or likely future benefits (Paccione, 2009) of gaining access to services and finding employment, whether it be through formal or informal markets. However unlike the 20th century slums of Melbourne, the slums of developing nations continue to be ignored and left out of planning policies. The pursuit of urban development in conjunction with maximising private profit and social control, over the inclusion of all urban populations continues to prevail.


Figure 3. The favela’s of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (Marchi, n.d.)


Figure 4. Yamuna settlements before (left) demolition and after (right) (Bharchua, n.d.)
During the 19th century there was Haussmann and the redevelopment of Paris. Now in the 21st century there’s class conflicts over urban space. Hundreds of thousands and even millions of poor people are forcibly evicted from both legal and informal settlements every year in developing countries (Davis, 2006, p. 98).  Countless of Rio’s favelas are set to be demolished ahead of the 2016 Olympic Games. Thousands of families have been moved to make way for roads and sporting developments since the announcement (Gibson and Watts, 2013). Although residents are offered a choice between financial compensation and resettlement to a new home, these solutions are often not enough as it undermines the value of the community that has formed in these favelas (Vinnitskaya, 2012). Similar cases are found in Delhi’s slums or jhuggi found along the banks of Yamuna River, Yamuna Pushta. Here slum clearances have begun since 2004 for the redevelopment of the river as a tourist attraction (Davis, 2006, p. 100). Other reasons include the environmental degradation by the Yamuna slum dwellers (Bharucha, 2006). Residents have been relocated 20 kilometres away from the urban centre to a new slum, a shift which was found to decrease their average income by approximately 50% (Soni as cited in Davis, 2006, p. 100). Slum clearance in these contexts seem to only magnify the issues of uneven access and socioeconomic inequities. It seems that the favelas and jhuggis might need their own Oswald Barnett to inspire their leaders and spur city officials to reform their policies and plans to include informal settlements. But of course unlike 1930s Melbourne, the slums of Rio and Delhi are far greater in scale. 
I agree that urban growth is a great way to reduce rural poverty and that living in urban slums may be better than rural slums. However the situation can also be seen as only bridging the physical gap (i.e. the distance) between those living in poverty and those who aren’t instead of effectively closing the socioeconomic gap. Cities may not be better off than rural areas if urbanisation is not managed well by governments who prioritise modern development and profits and control over the welfare of their citizens. The urban poor still need better access to services and infrastructure, an issue which developed countries have had more success with than developing nations that are still yet to tackle the issue.

Words: 913



Bibliography
Barnett, F.O. (1935). Carlton. Wash-house and bath-room, 48 Palmerston Street. Retrieved from http://www.cv.vic.gov.au/stories/built-environment/the-unsuspected-slums/carlton-wash-house-and-bath-room-48-palmerston-street/
Bharucha, R.N. (2006) Yamuna Gently Weeps: Reasons for the Demolition. Retrieved from http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/reasons.html 
Bharucha, R.N (n.d.). Yamuna settlements before demolition and after. Retrieved from http://www.yamunagentlyweeps.com/thedemolitions.html
Culture Victoria. (2014). The Unsuspected Slums. Retrieved from http://www.cv.vic.gov.au/stories/built-environment/the-unsuspected-slums/
Davis, M. (2006). Planet of Slums. London, UK: Verso.
Department of Human Services. (2013). History of public housing. Retrieved from http://www.dhs.vic.gov.au/ourhousingstories/history-of-public-housing
DHS. (2013). Photograph of Frederick Oswald Barnett. Retrieved from http://www.dhs.vic.gov.au/ourhousingstories/stories/marking-the-start-of-the-housing-commission
Dobbs, R., Manyika, J., Woetzel, J. (2015). No Ordinary Disruption: The Four Global Forces Breaking All the Trends. Retrieved from http://www.mckinsey.com/insights/mgi/no_ordinary_disruption
EIU. (2014). A Summary of the Liveability Ranking and Overview. Retrieved from http://pages.eiu.com/rs/eiu2/images/Liveability_rankings_2014.pdf
Gibson, O., Watts, J. (2013, December 6). World Cup: Rio favelas being ‘socially cleansed’ in runup to sporting events. The Guardian, Retrieved from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/dec/05/world-cup-favelas-socially-cleansed-olympics 
Glaeser, E. (2011). What’s Good About Slums?. In E. Glaeser, Triumph of the City (pp. 69-91). London: Pan Macmillan. 
Marchi, D. (n.d.). The favela’s of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Retrieved from http://www.archdaily.com/214726/rio-de-janeiros-favelas-the-cost-of-the-2016-olympic-games/domenico-marchi/
Paccione, M. (2009). Rural-Urban Migration in the Third World. In M. Paccione, Urban Geography: A Global Perspective (pp. 484-500). London, NY.
Ritter, D. (2010). Continent without Slums. Griffith REVIEW, (29), [206]-[210]. 
Russell, E.W. (1979). Biography: Barnett, Frederick Oswald (1883-1972). Retrieved from http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/barnett-frederick-oswald-5138
UN-HABITIT. (2003). Slums of the World: The face of urban poverty in the new millennium?. Retrieved from http://www.sustainable-design.ie/sustain/UN-Habitat_2003WorldSlumsReport.pdf
Vince, G. (1999). Dudley Flats Archaeological Investigation. Retrieved from http://www.academia.edu/1968555/Dudley_Flats_Archaeological_Investigation
Vinnitskaya, I. (2012, March 12). Rio de Jeneiro’s Favelas: The Cost of the 2016 Olympic Games [Web log post]. Retrieved from http://www.archdaily.com/214726/rio-de-janeiros-favelas-the-cost-of-the-2016-olympic-games/
World Bank. (2013). Developing Countries Need to Harness Urbanization to Achieve the MDGs: IMF-World Bank report. Retrieved from http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2013/04/17/developing-countries-need-to-harness-urbanization-to-achieve-mdgs-imf-world-bank-report


Tong Cai - Suburban Heaven and Hell

     In Australia, a lot of economic and social change occurred after World War II. Australia changed its economic base by moving away from agriculture and transitioning into manufacturing. Melbourne was at the center of this transition and became the most industrialised city within Australia. Social norms were also changing, as an increasing number of women were seen entering into the work-force throughout the 1950’s, challenging traditional gender roles within the household. With the advancements in technology and infrastructure, what was once a compact and dense city turned into increasing urban sprawl, allowing the middle class to escape the “crowding and congestion of the centre for the space and amenity of the suburbs” (Davies, 2011). Furthermore, suburban life was very different between the working and middle classes as socio-economic positioning was a prominent factor (Pascoe, 2011). For this essay, suburban life in the 1950’s from a working class and middle class point of view will be looked at, drawing upon various examples from Melbourne suburbs such as Carlton, Collingwood and North Balwyn.

The Ideal Suburban Life
     “Home was the essential to post-war Australian dreaming” (Pascoe, 2011). It was every Australian’s dream to be able to own a large house, with a large backyard and front garden. This ideal was very much fuelled by the war, seen as a symbol of a brighter future. Ever since the 1880’s, the size of one’s property aided in social respectability. (Pascoe, 2011). The freedom to be able to live according to one’s values was very much related to the amount of housing space one’s family had. “The family is inherently an institution which has a love of privacy, a love of its own backyard, of its own amusements, and of its own way of life” (Pascoe, 2011). Also, safety and security were important for the ideal family home. Ensuring children with the best upbringing environment was a large post-war focus for families, and suburban life was seen as the most ideal way to accomplish this. These ideals were shared amongst the middle class and were certainly the case for suburbs such as North Balwyn, which is located 10km east of Melbourne CBD. Houses were usually single, detached homes with a garden (Pascoe, 2011), which reflected the Australian dream well.

Caption: “Typical North Balwyn House in the 1950s.”

Reality for the Working Class
    The working class lived in the inner suburbs as many could not afford to live further, as commuting into the city centre would be difficult due to the underdevelopment of the transportation system and also not being able to afford a private car. Inner suburbs, much like many other early cities such as London, were considered to be unsanitary, disease ridden and crowded. They were very undesirable places and seen as the slums of Melbourne. Looking back at the week 9 lecture “Slum Clearance” delivered by David Nichols, Collingwood was regarded as the worst suburb in Melbourne, seen as a symbol of the failure of society. It was an undesirable place to be topographically, as the miasma theory was still seen as the cause for diseases spreading via ‘bad’ and stagnant air, and since Collingwood was topographically low lying, it was believed to be the reason contributing to the place being disease ridden. Along with this, Collingwood was thought of to be a very unsanitary place, as sewerage and dirty rainwater would run down into the suburb, increasing death rates (Nichols, 2015). This can be compared alongside the conditions in London, England, where industrialisation of the city leaded to “a rapidly changing profile of mortality and morbidity” (Susser, 1998).

     The importance of safety and security was unfortunately rarely felt in family homes, with many cases of domestic violence happening amongst the working class suburbs. “Reflecting later in the interview, Elaine’s words made it clear that home and family had negative connotations for her, and she often felt safer on the outside” (Pascoe, 2011). It was something that people were all aware of, but never spoke about. “People were just doing things like that to vent their anger or their passions of their frustrations for being trapped where they were.” (Pascoe, 2011).



Changing Roles for Women
     Job opportunities were often barred from women and even when working alongside men in the same job, received less pay. Being a housewife and mother was the primary role that any women should take (Strachan, 2010). Starting from the 1950’s, women were finally speaking out and demanding equality. Although this was the case, many middle class women who moved further away from the city centre in the hopes of a better quality of life physically could not reach these opportunities, and very often felt isolated and helpless being so far away from friends and family. For example, the women of Lalor felt these affects as their husbands were off at work everyday, leaving their wives in the house to continue with traditional tasks and chores. Not only were women in charge of the upbringing of children, but they took on the challenge of creating something important and that they all craved. The “pivotal role for the women emerged: building community” (Scollay 2012). These women formed the “Lalor Women’s Social Club (LWSC)” and created a space named the Kinderhall, which was a kindergarten and a community hall, to facilitate the two things these women cared about the most. They were able to create “a caring atmosphere in which the children felt safe, loved and stimulated” (Scollay 2012).

Suburbs Today
    Suburban life was the ideal that every Australian strived for. The closer you were to the city, the more quality of life decreased. Although suburbs such as North Balwyn are still known to be very affluent areas, housing prices for Carlton are continually increasing, as more and more people now desire the compact, fast-paced city lifestyle. The sprawl of suburbia is the reason for increases in car dependency, and low connectivity to the city for those that do not own a car, and thus enhancing isolation.


Caption: “Apartment developments in Carlton.”
    
Even though it may seem that disparities between suburbs in Melbourne have lessened, many refuse to face the fact or are not informed that there are still a large group of citizens living in poverty and surprisingly, it is the suburbs that are the farthest suffering, such as Broadmeadows, Dallas and Coolaroo. Social norms are changing, with the mindset of citizens reversing and striving for a different lifestyle.








Reference List 

Davies, A. (2011). Suburban Employment Trends: A Melbourne Case Study. M/C Journal, 14(4).

Nichols, D. (Lecturer) (2015, May 5). Slum Clearance. Lecture. Lecture conducted from the University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Australia.

Pascoe, C. (2011). Spaces Imagined, Places Remembered: Childhood in 1950’s Australia. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Scollay, M. (2012). Lalor. Sydney Australia: UNSW Press.

Strachan, G. (2010). Still Working for the Man? Women’s Employment Experiences in Australia since 1950. Australian Journal of Social Issues, 45(1), 117,130.


Susser, M. (1998). Does Risk Factor Epidemiology put Epidemiology at Risk? Peering into the Future. Epidemiol Community Health, 52, 608-611.

Friday, 1 May 2015

Urban History – Urban Japan
Lok Ching Wong - 715895

Factors Contribute to Urbanization and Modernization in Japan

Through the invasion of Western knowledge and technologies starting from Meiji Restoration, Japan has begun its era of industrialization (1870s onwards). According to Dore (1958, p.40-41), during the period of industrialization in Japan, the government referred to the West and abandoned the laissez-faire, the Japanese Government interfered the development of industry and the welfare matters. The rapid industrial growth has brought many people being gone from the country districts and accommodating around the industry areas. The great population brought by the industrialization accelerating labour forces and boosted the development in Japan. In addition, the reconstruction process of WW2 atom bomb on Hiroshima facilitated exchange of ideas and skills from foreigners. According to Norioki (2003, p.95-96), Hiroshima acts as an ambassador of peace memorial site and anti-nuclear war-damaged city in the postwar planning. This identity brought many advices and proposals of planning from Western countries which enriched the knowledge of Japan in the aspect of urban planning. In the influence of the effects of industrialization and the Western ideas, Japan had more capitals and knowledge on urban planning that facilitated urbanization and modernization.

The Urban development due to Wars and industrialization

Housing:
Dore (1958, p.40, 42-43), since the rapid migration of people from rural districts to the industry areas, slums were formed. This was because the sharp increase of industrial expansion and the rapid urban population growth, there were not enough accommodation for factory employees which caused housing shortage problem. Slums are living places where are dirty and poor with problems of over-crowding and health - hygiene and diseases. According to the Home Office survey conducted in 1925, there were 217 slums areas and 2.5% of the total population of those towns living in slums (Dore 1958, p.41). Due to inadequacy of accommodation, sharing houses were commonly found in Japan. According to Uchida (2002 cited in Izuhara and Forrest 2012, p.54), house sharing was common that around 40% of households were living with other households in 1948 (after the war). This willingness of sharing of Japanese society alleviated the post-war housing problem. This shows the solidarity and how people being tolerant to the relationships of non-kinship living together in the Japanese nation.
In terms of modernization, housing and buildings were usually constructed in wood. After 1868, non-wooden buildings had started to increase on number, constructing materials started to change from wood to brick and to steel-reinforced concrete buildings in 1920s (Norioki 2003, p.103). Since Japan is frequently affected by earthquakes and tsunami, there are changes in building materials due to the protection and safety reason.




Cited from: Izuhara and Forrest 2012, p.55

Transportation:
Although, the rapid urban growth and expansion have begun since the Western technologies and experiences flew in. Japan still had its own interpretation in their planning. The main reason that the planning of Japan differed from the Western Countries is because of the land adjustment. According to Norioki (2003, p.94-95), land adjustment is a planning instrument which concentrated on the basis urban infrastructure and ignored the construction of building spaces such as housing – in terms of height restriction and size of the construction. Since the industry areas were clustered where there were not enough spaces for further industrial development and housing spaces for allocating all workers, railways development are significantly important as a solution to spatial problem. With the railway services, people started to move out from the heavy industrial districts to urban-rural areas where places around the cities. In 1960s, large scale of housing estates and towns such as Tama New Town and Chiba New Town were started to build along the railway and subway network areas (Okata and Murayama 2011, p.20). Also, railway network facilitated the economic development in term of greater movement of people and trading. This caused that urban development most likely to be around railway stations. According to the figure of railway network and stations (Okata et al. 2005 cited in Okata and Murayama, p.19), railway network is dense and expanding outwards. The figure also shows the relationship between the railway network and the level of the urban areas. Urban areas with denser railway network and more stations are more likely to be more urbanized. Also, most of the urban areas are located along the railway network. In addition, nearly 73% of morning commuters to Tokyo 23 Wards used railway lines while only 9% of them used private automobiles and others used bus, bicycle or foot and in 1998(Nakamura et al. 2004 cited in Okata and Murayama 2011,p. 20).


Cited from: Okata and Murayama 2011, p.19

From the google map, Tokyo is well-linked by the railway and subway network. This shows that railway and subway are important commuting infrastructure which strengthens the urban development in terms of social – movement and flow of people, economic – trading and environmental – less traffic congestion and less land used for parking. This proved that transportation on railway influence the whole urban development in Japan.



Conclusion

Japan is a rural country before its era of industrialization when Western knowledge and technologies flowing in. The influence caused by industrialization making
Japan to be urbanized which affects the whole country in terms of social, economic and environmental.



Reference:


Ishimaru Norioki, ‘Reconstructing Hiroshima and Preserving the Reconstructed City’ in Carola Hein and Jeffry M. Diefendorf (eds), Rebuilding Urban Japan After 1945 London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003 pp. 87-107

IZUHARA, Misa; FORREST, Ray. Social Science Japan Journal. Winter2012, Vol. 15 Issue 1, p53-74

Junichiro Okata and Akito Murayama, ‘Tokyo’s Urban Growth, Urban Form
and Sustainability’, 2011 pp.15-41

R.P. Dore, ‘Houses and Apartment Blocks’ in City Life in Japan: A Study of a Tokyo Ward London: Routiedge and Kegan Paul, 1958 pp. 40-52